Marcos failed Jonvic and us all

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I have always liked Jonvic Remulla. He is intelligent, belongs to the thinking class and, I would like to believe, is independently wealthy enough to resist the temptations of corruption. He understands the flaws of the political system and aspires to be a force to correct it and...

I have always liked Jonvic Remulla. He is intelligent, belongs to the thinking class and, I would like to believe, is independently wealthy enough to resist the temptations of corruption. He understands the flaws of the political system and aspires to be a force to correct it and not contribute to its dysfunction.

Our paths first crossed in the early 1990s when Jonvic became one of my franchisees. Even then, his intelligence, understanding of business and astute political mind impressed me. He understood numbers and people.

When Jonvic was named DILG secretary, I really wanted him to succeed. I still do. But capable people can fail when the assigned responsibilities do not match their strengths. Recognizing this is the responsibility of the appointing authority – in this case, President Marcos. This is where BBM failed both Jonvic and the country.

Consider the prominent personalities who remain at large despite their pending arrest warrants: Zaldy Co, Harry Roque, Atong Ang, Bato dela Rosa, Gerald Bantag and Leandro Leviste. Their circumstances vary, but the outcomes are the same and equally alarming – powerful individuals remain beyond the reach of the DILG and the justice system.

President Marcos chose Jonvic to lead the DILG. It was Marcos’ responsibility to ensure that Jonvic had the skills, experience and support to deliver. If his appointee cannot get the job done, the President must answer for that choice – and correct it.

We have repeatedly been assured that fugitives would soon be arrested. Yet they remain beyond the reach of Philippine authorities. Zaldy Co has been abroad for 15 months, Harry Roque has been in Europe for at least 19 months and Leandro Leviste has been in France for three months. Atong Ang remains at large, while Gerald Bantag has evaded arrest for over three years. Filipinos are tired of waiting. Repeated promises have yielded no results, leaving the public to conclude that our law enforcement agencies are simply incapable of bringing these men before the courts.

Last week, Jonvic announced a P50-million bounty for Bato’s capture. Authorities have also indicated that they are monitoring him in Mindanao. Filipinos understandably ask – why offer such an enormous reward if government already knows where he is? This sends a contradictory messages that leaves the public questioning whether government has a workable plan.

Was the announcement of bounty a show of seriousness and determination? If so, were they not serious and determined before?

More disturbing was Jonvic’s warning that arresting Bato could produce bloodshed worse than the Marawi siege. What are Filipinos supposed to conclude? That private armies could easily confront the combined forces of the PNP, the AFP and the Special Action Forces? Isn’t the state supposed to possess the monopoly of coercive power? Is that how weak the Philippine law enforcement apparatus is?

Why was the arrest of elderly journalist Philip Lustre carried out with such force and determination, while law enforcers allow negotiations with powerful fugitives and those who shelter them? Are government officials (even if rogue) entitled to gentler treatment than ordinary citizens? The double standard is glaring.

Public patience is wearing thin because the consequences extend beyond these cases. Let me spell it out.

First, deterrence for plunder and other serious crimes weakens. Potential offenders learn that sufficient money, mobility and connections can postpone (if not totally evade) accountability. Committing crime becomes a more attractive gamble knowing that  escaping its consequences is feasible.

Second, unequal enforcement destroys confidence in the justice system. Citizens conclude that the law’s severity depends on the suspect’s social position and political gravitas.

Third, every month that fugitives remain at large, witnesses lose confidence and evidence becomes harder to preserve. The cases against them weaken.

Fourth, honest police officers lose morale when their hard work produces no arrests. People lose trust in the law, businesses doubt whether government can protect them and voters become more willing to support leaders who promise to impose order through extrajudicial means.

Finally, allowing armed groups to shield wanted persons sends a dangerous message – that anyone with enough guns and connections can evade arrest. The longer government fails to act, the more it encourages others to develop private armies.

None of this is Jonvic’s fault. The man’s credentials include service as Cavite’s board member, vice governor and governor. And he did well in it. His strengths lay in local administration, business and political coordination, not  in policing, peace and order, public safety, local government development, fire protection and jail administration. Provincial experience provides grounding. But it does not automatically establish suitability for the entire DILG  portfolio.

It was Marcos’ responsibility to appoint someone equipped for the DILG’s leadership. But like many of Marcos’ appointments, he named Jonvic for political reasons, not because of specialization and suitability. Political considerations were also the driving force in the first batch of Cabinet appointments for education, tourism, human settlements, national security, public works and communications and  the subsequent appointments in trade and industry, health and foreign affairs. This explains why these departments have fallen short or have been outright catastrophes.

This is a rookie management error on Marcos’ part – a telltale sign of poor judgement and misplaced priorities. The inability of the DILG to nab the fugitives at large adds to the growing list of Marcos’ failures.

Marcos has done his friend a disservice by putting him in the wrong job. Jonvic deserves a role that draws out his strengths. As for the Filipino people, we deserve a President who can tell the difference between job suitability and political accommodation.

Email: [email protected]. Follow him on Twitter @aj_masigan

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